The Inner Monologue

Thinking Out Loud

“And Do the Other Things”: What Kennedy Was Really Asking of America


When John F. Kennedy stood before a crowd at Rice University in 1962 and declared, “We choose to go to the Moon in this decade and do the other things,” he wasn’t padding a sentence. He was embedding a worldview.

The Moon gets the headlines. The rockets get the documentaries. But “the other things” is the quiet clause that carries the real weight of the speech. It is vague on purpose. It is expansive by design. And it reveals far more about Kennedy’s understanding of democracy, ambition, and national character than the lunar goal itself.

The Moon Was the Example, Not the Point

The modern ear often hears the Moon speech as a technological manifesto—an argument for rockets, budgets, and Cold War competition. That’s a misread. Kennedy did not say “we choose to go to the Moon because it is strategically necessary” or “because it will defeat the Soviets.” He said the opposite:

“…not because they are easy, but because they are hard.”

That is a moral claim, not a technical one.

The Moon was the most visible instance of something larger: the idea that a nation should periodically choose goals that are difficult enough to reorder its priorities, discipline its institutions, and demand excellence from its people. The Moon was simply the clearest symbol of difficulty available.

“The other things” were everything that shared that same character.

Deliberate Vagueness as Leadership

Kennedy could have listed projects. He could have said: nuclear fusion, medical research, infrastructure, education, poverty. He didn’t—and that omission matters.

By refusing specificity, Kennedy avoided turning the speech into a policy memo. Instead, he created a category: things worth doing precisely because they are hard. He left the list open so that each generation could fill it in anew.

That openness was not laziness. It was confidence. He trusted that Americans would understand the type of work he meant—even if they disagreed about the particulars.

“The Other Things” as National Self-Respect

At its core, the phrase is about self-respect at scale.

A nation that only does what is easy eventually forgets what it is capable of. Its institutions become optimized for comfort rather than competence. Its politics drift toward grievance management instead of collective ambition. Its citizens become consumers of the present rather than builders of the future.

Kennedy was warning against that drift without ever naming it.

“The other things” were the tasks that prevent national atrophy:

  • Building systems that will not pay off immediately
  • Investing in knowledge before outcomes are guaranteed
  • Accepting failure as part of progress rather than evidence of waste

These are uncomfortable commitments for democracies, which are structurally biased toward the short term. Kennedy understood that, and he was pushing against it.

Difficulty as a Feature, Not a Bug

One of the most radical ideas in the speech is that difficulty itself is valuable.

In contemporary politics, difficulty is treated as a defect. If a problem is hard, leaders avoid it. If a project is complex, it gets sliced into slogans. If results take longer than an election cycle, they are postponed indefinitely.

Kennedy rejected that logic outright.

Hard goals, he argued, organize and measure the best of our energies and skills. They force coordination across institutions. They reveal weaknesses that would otherwise remain hidden. They produce spillover benefits not because they are efficient, but because they are demanding.

“The other things” were not side quests. They were the training ground for national competence.

A Democratic Rebuttal to Cynicism

There is also a quieter subtext in the phrase—one that resonates even more strongly today.

Kennedy was speaking at a moment when it was fashionable to doubt whether democracies could still do big things. Centralized systems appeared faster, more disciplined, more decisive. The Moon race was often framed as proof that authoritarian efficiency would win.

“The other things” were Kennedy’s rebuttal.

He was asserting that a free society could still choose difficulty—not by coercion, but by consent. That it could sustain long-term projects without surrendering pluralism. That public purpose did not require uniformity of thought.

In other words: democracy could still aspire.

What “The Other Things” Would Mean Today

If Kennedy were speaking now, the phrase would land differently—but it would land.

Today’s “other things” might include:

  • Decarbonizing the economy without collapsing living standards
  • Rebuilding institutional trust in an age of algorithmic fragmentation
  • Governing artificial intelligence before it governs us
  • Reconstructing civic competence after decades of hollowing out

None of these problems are glamorous. None fit neatly into a single decade. All are deeply hard in the specific way Kennedy meant: they resist shortcuts.

And that is precisely why they qualify.

The Clause We Keep Ignoring

We quote the Moon line endlessly, but we rarely act on the second half of the sentence. We celebrate ambition in retrospect while avoiding it in practice. We fund pilots instead of programs. We commission studies instead of systems. We confuse motion with progress.

Kennedy did not ask Americans to admire difficulty. He asked them to choose it.

“The other things” is the part of the speech that demands something uncomfortable: a willingness to commit before outcomes are certain, to invest before applause is guaranteed, and to accept that some of the most important work will never trend.

The Real Challenge Was Never the Moon

The Moon was reached. The rockets flew. The flag was planted.

The harder challenge—the one Kennedy embedded in that small, open-ended phrase—remains unresolved.

Do we still believe that a society should do hard things simply because they are hard?

Or have we quietly decided that difficulty is something to be outsourced, deferred, or denied?

Until we answer that, “the other things” will remain unfinished business—waiting for a generation willing to hear what Kennedy was really saying.

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